7 March, 2026
by Mohammed Bello Doka
The Nigerian media has long fashioned itself as the indomitable voice of the common man—a sentinel standing guard against the excesses of power, a beacon illuminating the shadows of corruption, repression, and bad governance. This self-portrait is not mere rhetoric; it is etched into the annals of the nation's history, where journalists have braved flogging, imprisonment, assassination, and exile to defend the interests of ordinary Nigerians. From the military dictatorships that scarred the country for decades to the civilian administrations that followed, the press has portrayed itself as a courageous force, unyielding in its pursuit of truth and justice for the marginalized, the impoverished, and the oppressed.
Consider the military era, a period of unbridled authoritarianism where the media's resistance became legendary. Under General Yakubu Gowon's regime (1966-1975), amid the civil war's devastation and post-war economic hardships, outlets like the Daily Times exposed corruption scandals that directly impacted the common man's access to resources. The 1974 Joseph Tarka affair, where businessman Godwin Daboh's affidavit accused the Federal Commissioner for Communications of embezzlement, was amplified by the press, framing it as a betrayal of public trust during a time when inflation and reconstruction costs burdened ordinary citizens. This coverage led to Tarka's resignation, but it also invited threats from authorities, yet the media persisted, positioning itself as the defender against elite theft that starved development funds from the masses.
Even more emblematic was the "Amakiri Affair" in 1975, when Nigerian Observer correspondent Minere Amakiri reported on teachers' strikes for better wages amid oil boom inequalities. Arrested and brutally flogged on Governor Alfred Diete-Spiff's orders, Amakiri's case was championed by the press, which pursued a lawsuit resulting in a landmark High Court ruling affirming that military rule did not suspend fundamental rights. This victory reinforced the media's role as a legal bulwark for workers and educators—the everyday Nigerians grappling with low pay and systemic neglect.
The pattern of defiance continued under subsequent regimes. During Muhammadu Buhari's first military stint (1983-1985), the press challenged the "War Against Indiscipline" campaign's authoritarian overreach. Decree No. 4, which criminalized embarrassing reports, led to the 1984 arrest of Guardian reporters Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson for a diplomatic postings story. Sentenced and fined, their case sparked media outcry, framing the decree as an assault on the public's right to know about policies affecting economic austerity and detentions without trial. Outlets like Punch critiqued the regime's flogging of citizens for minor infractions, portraying it as disconnected from the common man's struggles.
Under Ibrahim Babangida (1985-1993), the media's guerrilla tactics shone. Dele Giwa's 1986 parcel bomb assassination followed his critiques of the Structural Adjustment Program's poverty-inducing effects, yet Newswatch and Tell persisted, exposing how SAP exacerbated hardships for farmers, workers, and the urban poor. The 1993 election annulment saw the Guardian and Tell decry it as a theft of the common man's sovereignty, going underground despite closures and decrees. Vernacular poets like Olanrewaju Adepoju used albums to mock unfulfilled promises, amplifying grassroots grievances.
Sani Abacha's terror (1993-1998) tested the media's mettle further. Guerrilla journalism via underground papers and Radio Kudirat (launched 1996) exposed abuses, allying with pro-democracy groups to end self-succession amid economic venality that impoverished millions. Journalists like Chris Anyanwu faced life sentences for phantom coup knowledge, yet the press's sustained opposition contributed to Abacha's downfall.
Even in civilian eras, this ethos endured. Under Buhari's second term (2015-2023), media covered #EndSARS protests, exposing the October 2020 Lekki massacre despite fines and arrests. Punch's 2019 demotion of Buhari to "Major General" over rule-of-law violations symbolized resistance against authoritarian echoes. Outlets investigated scandals like the N109 billion Accountant General theft, framing them as betrayals of the masses amid recession and insecurity.
This history paints the Nigerian media as a heroic institution—courageous, resilient, and committed to standing against persecution, bad governance, and policies that assault the people's welfare. It has mobilized civil society, shaped transitions, and held power accountable, often at great personal cost. Yet, this narrative crumbles under President Bola Tinubu's administration, inaugurated on May 29, 2023, where segments of the media, particularly the Lagos-Ibadan axis dominated by Yoruba-centric and evangelical Christian outlets, have traded their watchdog role for complicity in a regime that has deepened economic despair, insecurity, and inequality.
Today, Nigeria grapples with hardships far worse than in prior eras: inflation at 34% in 2024, dropping to 23% by 2026 but still crippling; poverty ensnaring over 133 million; banditry and kidnappings rampant; and reforms like fuel subsidy removal and naira devaluation spiking living costs, culminating in #EndBadGovernance protests in August 2024. Amid this assault on people's welfare, the media's complicity is evident—not through outright conquest via decrees or closures, but through selective silence, narrative amplification, and ethnic-religious bias that shields the government.
Opposition voices, once amplified by the press, now struggle for airtime in mainstream media, especially the Lagos-Ibadan corridor (outlets like The Nation, Channels TV, TVC, Arise TV). Under Tinubu, censorship is insidious: opinion pieces critical of the regime face weeks-long delays for approval, only to be followed by rapid government rejoinders within 30 minutes, suggesting pre-publication sharing with authorities for rebuttals. This practice undermines journalistic independence, turning media into a government echo chamber.
Personal accounts reveal deeper pressures. TV anchors, after inviting opposition figures, often cancel under management directives, with insiders reporting threats of job loss. For instance, in 2024, Arise TV's Rufai Oseni faced internal backlash for grilling Tinubu allies, while Channels TV suspended a presenter for anti-government remarks. These incidents echo a broader pattern: since 2023, over 141 attacks on journalists and critics documented, including arrests under the Cybercrimes Act for "cyberstalking" critical posts. Journalists like Daniel Ojukwu (detained May 2024 for exposing fraud) and Segun Olatunji (abducted March 2024 by military) highlight state intimidation, yet Lagos-Ibadan media downplays these, framing them as isolated rather than systemic.
The weaponization of media for trials is stark in cases against former officials like Abubakar Malami and Nasir El-Rufai, perceived as Northern rivals to Tinubu's Southwest base. Media reports painted Malami as masterminding N212.8 billion in laundered properties and N8.7 billion schemes, with headlines screaming "Ex-AGF Malami, Son Charged With 16 Criminal Counts For Allegedly Laundering Over N8Billion." Yet, actual court charge sheets (FHC/ABJ/CR/700/2025) detail 16 counts of money laundering involving N8.7 billion, focusing on specific acquisitions like N325 million for a property in Asokoro, without the sensational N212 billion figure initially touted. Media amplified anonymous EFCC sources on terrorism financing and arms possession, but court documents show five-count charges for those, with no conviction yet. No balancing: Malami's office decried "media trial" without petitions or reports served, yet stories ran unchecked, violating journalistic norms of fairness.
For El-Rufai, media stories alleged N432 billion misconduct, phone-tapping, and corruption, with headlines like "El-Rufai Faces Corruption Charges." Court documents reveal a three-count cybercrime charge (FHC/ABJ/CR/99/2026) for intercepting NSA Nuhu Ribadu's calls, under Cybercrimes Act, not the broad corruption sweeps media pushed. ICPC probes continue, but media trials from anonymous sources lack retractions or balance, framing Northern figures as aggressors while shielding Tinubu allies.
Many assume the media is conquered or bought—perhaps via alleged N500 million payoffs or ad revenues—but the truth is complicity, rooted in ethnic and religious alignments. The Lagos-Ibadan media, controlled by ethnocentric evangelical Christians, views issues through ethnicity and religion lenses. This bias manifests in disparate treatment: Sunday Igboho, a Yoruba nation agitator, is labeled a "defender" or "activist" for confronting herders, with outlets like The Nation portraying his actions as "defensive and localized." In contrast, Nnamdi Kanu, IPOB leader, is branded a "terrorist" for similar self-determination calls, with media emphasizing "insurrection" and armed confrontations. This double standard ignores that neither has been convicted of terrorism, yet Kanu's coverage amplifies government narratives.
Coverage of Northern atrocities further exposes hypocrisy: headlines bury stories affecting Muslims, like banditry in Zamfara or kidnappings in Kaduna, framing them as "clashes" rather than targeted violence. Evangelical media amplifies "Christian genocide" claims—alleging 52,000 Christians killed since 2009, 7,000 in 2025—despite statistics showing all faiths suffer, with ACLED reporting 20,409 civilian deaths (2020-2025), not religiously disproportionate. Outlets like Arise TV and The Guardian echo narratives of "systematic slaughter," citing unverified Intersociety reports debunked by BBC for lacking sources. No retractions follow, fueling division.
False Fulani herdsmen narratives persist without apology: 2018 fake images of violence inflamed tensions, with BBC noting unverified claims of "genocide." In 2025, claims of Fulani rocket attacks in Southeast were debunked, yet spread unchecked. Media paints the North as aggressors despite stats: Observatory for Religious Freedom reports 36,056 killings (2019-2024), with Fulani militias responsible for 47%, but Christians killed 5.2 times higher proportionally—yet narratives ignore Muslim victims.
Why this complicity under Tinubu, but not Obasanjo? Obasanjo (1999-2007) was a nationalist, less tribalistic, pursuing pan-Nigerian policies like anti-corruption drives that crossed ethnic lines. Media critiqued him freely, exposing scandals without ethnic shields. Tinubu, however, embodies ethnocentrism and Lagos-centric policies—favoring Southwest appointments, projects, and bailouts amid Northern poverty spikes. The evangelical-ethnocentric media finds in him a kindred spirit, exposing their bias and hypocrisy.
Additional facets bolster this: Tinubu's $9 million US lobbying (2026) to counter persecution narratives, amplified without scrutiny. During #EndBadGovernance, 56 journalists assaulted, yet media downplayed government crackdowns. Opposition like PDP's Atiku Abubakar faces blackouts, with Arise TV canceling interviews under pressure.
When history judges whether Nigeria survived or succumbed to division and despair, the complicity of the Lagos-Ibadan Christian evangelical media will stand out—not as victims of conquest, but as willing enablers in an assault on the people's welfare. Their abandonment of the common man's defense for ethnic-religious solidarity betrays a legacy once noble, now tarnished. True journalism demands courage, not complicity; Nigeria's survival hinges on reclaiming that ethos.
Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via [email protected]
Abuja Network News
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Opinion