6 March, 2026
by Mohammed Bello Doka
The brazen attack on former Rivers State Governor and ex-Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, in Rivers State on March 6, 2026, underscores a disturbing pattern of political violence that has plagued Nigeria's landscape as the 2027 elections loom. According to reports, armed men suspected to be political thugs ambushed Amaechi's convoy along the Ubima–Omuanwa road in Ikwerre Local Government Area and set ablaze an African Democratic Congress (ADC) ward office in his hometown of Ubima shortly before he completed his e-registration with the ADC. Security personnel intervened, but the incident left the community in shock (Punch, March 6, 2026; Premium Times, March 6, 2026; Vanguard, March 6, 2026). This event raises urgent questions about whether the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is fostering an environment of intimidation or has simply veered off its foundational path of progressive governance.
This is not an isolated case. Over the past few years, opposition figures and even former APC stalwarts have faced targeted violence, often linked to political rivalries. Take Abubakar Malami, Nigeria's former Attorney General under the APC-led administration. On September 1, 2025, suspected political thugs attacked his convoy in Birnin Kebbi, Kebbi State, vandalizing about 10 vehicles while he returned from a condolence visit (Premium Times, September 2025; Punch, September 23, 2025).
Similarly, Nasir El-Rufai, former Kaduna State Governor and a prominent APC voice, has endured a series of ordeals. On August 30, 2025, hoodlums armed with cutlasses, clubs, and stones attacked a meeting he was conducting in Kaduna ahead of ADC coalition activities, injuring several participants and damaging vehicles (Vanguard, August 31, 2025; Channels TV, August 30, 2025; The Cable, August 31, 2025). El-Rufai blamed the Kaduna State Government and vowed to present evidence to the police.
Rauf Aregbesola, another ex-APC governor and former Interior Minister, has not been spared. While false claims circulated in 2025 about his convoy being stoned in Ogun State, real threats emerged earlier. In 2022, during #EndSARS-related unrest, his ally Governor Gboyega Oyetola's convoy was attacked by hoodlums in Osun State, described as an assassination attempt (Daily Trust, 2022).
Perhaps most alarming is the February 24, 2026, attack on Peter Obi, the Labour Party's 2023 presidential candidate, during an ADC rally in Benin City, Edo State. Gunmen invaded the ADC secretariat, firing shots that damaged vehicles during the formal reception of Olumide Akpata; Obi, former APC Chairman John Odigie-Oyegun, and other leaders narrowly escaped. Eyewitnesses described it as a survived assassination attempt, with Obi's campaign spokesman Yunusa Tanko recounting the chaos (Premium Times, February 24, 2026; Punch, February 2026).
Attacks on opposition party infrastructure have intensified. ADC offices have been prime targets: In Rivers State on March 6, 2026, thugs burned a ward office hours before Amaechi's registration (Sahara Reporters, March 6, 2026; BusinessDay, March 6, 2026). In Edo, multiple incidents occurred, including a February 2026 raid on the secretariat and a March 2026 attack on National Legal Adviser Oserheimen Osunbor's residence (Guardian, March 2026). Data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) reveals a surge in political violence: Between 2023 and early 2026, over 200 events involving party members resulted in nearly 100 fatalities, with a notable uptick in attacks on opposition figures and offices ahead of 2027 (ACLED, “Political Violence and the 2023 Nigerian Election,” 2023, with trends extended to 2026). The Nigeria Election Violence Tracker reported 137 killings and 57 abductions during the 2023 elections alone, often tied to voter suppression and ethnic tensions (Incident Centre for Election Atrocities, 2023).
These incidents paint a grim picture, but international rulings add a stark layer. In June 2025, Canada's Federal Court upheld a ruling that found the PDP an organization engaged in acts of subversion of democratic institutions through violence and electoral fraud, denying asylum to Douglas Egharevba (a former member of both PDP and APC) under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. While the APC was not formally declared a terrorist organization and some media reports were misleading, the decision and widespread perceptions of systemic violence linked to major parties speak volumes (Guardian Nigeria fact-check, August 16, 2025; ThisDay, August 26, 2025). Canada rejected thousands of Nigerian asylum claims in 2025, many tied to political affiliations.
Statistics from reputable sources like ACLED and the Centre for Democracy and Development show political violence rising 20-30% in pre-election periods, with opposition strongholds disproportionately affected (ACLED, 2023-2026 reports). In 2025-2026 alone, surges in Kaduna, Edo, Rivers, and other states point to a pattern where ruling party interests allegedly clash with opposition activities (Daily Trust, 2025; Vanguard, 2026).
Has the APC, once hailed for its anti-corruption stance, lost its bearing amid power struggles? Or does this violence signal something more sinister, akin to organized intimidation? As Nigerians eye 2027, what role should security agencies play in curbing these attacks? Do international rulings like Canada's foreshadow global isolation for Nigerian politicians? And ultimately, can democracy thrive when political discourse devolves into gunfire? Share your thoughts—let's discuss how to reclaim our electoral process from the shadows of violence.
Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via [email protected]
Tags
Opinion