North-West Got ~₦2.5 Trillion in FAAC (2023–2025) — Lagos-Calabar Highway Got ~₦4 Trillion. But Where Are the Roads, Schools, and Clinics in the North-West?

17 February, 2026

by Mohammed Bello Doka 

In the labyrinth of Nigeria's fiscal architecture, it's crucial to distinguish between the streams of revenue that flow to state governments and the colossal commitments poured into federal mega-projects. Federal Allocation Account Committee (FAAC) disbursements represent the monthly sharing of national revenues—primarily from oil, taxes, and other federal sources—among the federal government, states, and local governments. These are net amounts to state treasuries after deductions like debt servicing, intended for recurrent expenditures (salaries, security) and capital projects (infrastructure, health, education). They are formula-based, weighted by population, landmass, and other factors, ensuring a semblance of equity across Nigeria's 36 states.

In contrast, federal projects like the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway are direct capital investments from the central government's budget or external financing, often prioritized as national flagships under the executive's discretion. These are not "allocations" to states but targeted expenditures on infrastructure deemed strategic for economic corridors, tourism, or trade. The two are apples and oranges: one decentralized for local governance, the other centralized for national ambition. Yet, this very distinction unveils a heartbreaking bias under the Tinubu administration—a glaring favoritism toward the South-West that starves the North of transformative development, perpetuating a cycle of neglect and despair. How else to explain the deluge of funds to a single southern highway while the North-West, home to millions mired in poverty, receives crumbs in comparison? This isn't mere policy; it's a profound injustice, a betrayal of the North's sons and daughters who endure banditry, hunger, and hopelessness while the South gleams with progress. We cannot expect parity in outcomes when the scales are so grotesquely tipped—yet, amid this outrage, legitimate questions scream for answers: Where did the North-West's money go? We witness the Lagos-Calabar Highway's asphalt unfurling like a ribbon of promise, but in the North, shadows of unbuilt dreams haunt the landscape.

Let us delve into the numbers, drawn meticulously from verifiable sources like the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) FAAC monthly disbursement reports (available on nigerianstat.gov.ng/elibrary), BudgIT's State of States analyses (budgit.org), and official State House releases. Our research, conducted primarily online through these public databases and cross-verified reports from reputable outlets like Premium Times, TheCable, and Daily Trust, has limitations: It relies on accessible digital records, which may not capture real-time audits or undisclosed expenditures. Moreover, the figures here focus solely on net FAAC to state governments—excluding separate local government allocations (often ~20-25% of the pool, paid directly to 774 LGAs nationwide), grants from development partners, internally generated revenue (IGR, which remains dismally low in the North-West at under 30% of budgets per BudgIT), loans from multilateral institutions, or other inflows. This is the core federal lifeline to governors, yet even this conservative tally reveals a scandal of squandered potential.

From June 2023 to December 2025—a 31-month period marked by post-fuel subsidy removal revenue surges—the seven North-West states (Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, Zamfara) received approximately ₦2.5 trillion in net FAAC state government shares. This upper-end estimate accounts for 2025's exceptional inflows, as per NBS trends and BudgIT projections, where nationwide state allocations hit ₦8–9 trillion cumulatively for the year alone. Breaking it down: June to December 2023 (seven months) totaled ~₦222.8 billion, with monthly breakdowns showing Kano leading at ₦10.69 billion in June, peaking at ₦13.46 billion in September, while Zamfara lagged at ₦5.93–7.58 billion. Sources: NBS FAAC PDFs for each month, detailing statutory, VAT, exchange gains, and electronic money transfer levies (EMTL) after deductions.

The full 2024 year escalated to ~₦500–550 billion for the region, with monthly ranges reflecting exchange rate boosts: Kano at ₦12–17 billion in peaks like March and December, Jigawa ~₦9–13 billion, and so on. By 2025, the North-West's share ballooned to ~₦900–1,100 billion annually, pushing the grand total to our ~₦2.5 trillion figure. Per-state estimates over the period: Kano ~₦380–420 billion (dominating due to population and LGA factors), Kaduna ~₦280–320 billion, Katsina ~₦260–300 billion, Jigawa ~₦250–290 billion, Sokoto ~₦220–260 billion, Kebbi ~₦210–250 billion, and Zamfara ~₦190–230 billion. These are grounded in NBS appendices and BudgIT infographics, yet they underscore a tragic irony: Despite this torrent of funds—equivalent to billions per governor—the North-West remains a cauldron of suffering.

Now, juxtapose this with the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, a federal behemoth flagged off in May 2024 under President Tinubu's watch. This 700-km artery, starting in Lagos (South-West) and snaking eastward, has already secured ~₦4 trillion in funding from 2024 to December 2025—surpassing the entire North-West FAAC haul. Details: In 2024, the Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved ₦1.06 trillion (precisely ₦1.067 trillion rounded) for the pilot phase (47.47 km from Ahmadu Bello Way, Victoria Island, to Lekki Deep Sea Port), released to Hitech Construction Company Ltd under the Engineering, Procurement, Construction + Financing (EPC+) model. Sources: FEC minutes reported in Arise News, Neusroom, Premium Times, and TheCable (February–April 2024).

In 2025, the taps opened wider: A USD 747 million syndicated loan closed on July 9 for Phase 1, Section 1, underwritten by First Abu Dhabi Bank and Afreximbank with Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC) cover. Then, on December 19, USD 1.126 billion for Phase 1, Section 2 (55.7 km from Eleko in Lekki to Ode-Omi). Total USD 1.873 billion, converted at the 2025 average exchange rate of ~₦1,544 per USD (Central Bank of Nigeria data), equals ~₦2.89 trillion. Grand total: ~₦3.95–4 trillion for Phase 1 alone, with the full project estimated at ₦15+ trillion. Official confirmations: State House releases (July and December 2025), Punch, Daily Trust, TheCable. Progress is tangible—Section 1 temporarily opened in 2025, parts commissioned in May—while the North-West's funds vanish into ether.

This disparity isn't accidental; it's a damning indictment of the Tinubu government's southern tilt. The North-West, with its vast lands and teeming populations, receives decentralized funds that governors must stretch across salaries (often 60–80% of budgets per BudgIT) and crises like insecurity. Yet, the federal highway symbolizes concentrated power: A single project in the president's home region devours more than seven states' lifelines combined. Imagine the anguish of a Zamfara mother burying her child from preventable disease, or a Kano youth idling in unemployment, while Lagos's coastal dreams materialize. This bias entrenches inequality—South-West reaps integrated economic hubs, while North-West lags in basic connectivity, dooming generations to poverty. We cannot expect mirrored development when one side feasts and the other starves; it's a national fracture, a moral outrage that demands reckoning.

Yet, even as we decry federal favoritism, the North-West governors cannot escape scrutiny. Legitimate questions persist: Where did the ₦2.5 trillion go? We're seeing the Lagos-Calabar Highway's milestones—roads paved, traffic flowing—but in the North-West, the void is palpable. BudgIT's State of States 2024/2025 reports paint a grim picture: Many states execute under 40% of capital budgets, remaining >70–80% FAAC-dependent with stagnant IGR. Positive efforts exist, like the Northern Governors' Security Trust Fund (₦1 billion monthly per state since late 2025), but transparency is opaque. Amid this, the region's negative indicators scream neglect.

Poverty grips like a vice: Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) from NBS 2022 (no 2025 state update, but trends persist) shows Sokoto at 90.5–91%, Kebbi ~85%, Jigawa 84.3%, Zamfara ~75–85%, Katsina ~70–80%, Kaduna ~65–70%, Kano ~60–70%. Child poverty exceeds 90% in some, per UNICEF. National MPI: 63%; World Bank 2025 estimates suggest 52.5% general poverty, but NW remains entrenched. Unemployment, per NBS Q4 2024 (projected 4.84% national in 2025, criticized for undercounting), hovers at 7–16% state-wise: Jigawa ~7–10%, Kaduna ~8–12%, Kano ~10–15%, Katsina ~9–13%, Kebbi ~10–14%, Sokoto ~11–15%, Zamfara ~12–16%. Youth rates soar, underemployment ~40–50%.

Diseases ravage unchecked: WHO/NBS 2025 data cite malaria (84–85/100k deaths), respiratory infections (90–96/100k), diarrhea, TB as leading killers. Hypertension ~31% national, higher NW. Health preparedness index (HPI) dismal: Zamfara 13%, Sokoto 14%, Kebbi 15%, Jigawa 16%, Katsina 18%, Kaduna 20%, Kano 22%. Outbreaks like cholera and measles persist, per WHO. Out-of-school children: UNICEF 2025 reports ~3–4 million in NW (national 10.2–18.95 million); Kano 900,000+, Jigawa/Katsina 300,000+, Sokoto/Kebbi/Zamfara/Kaduna 200–300,000 each.

Illiteracy scars deeply: NBS/UNESCO 2024–25 show NW ~44.6% literacy (national 70.4%); Sokoto 20–30%, Kebbi/Zamfara/Jigawa 25–40%, Katsina 35–45%, Kano 40–50%, Kaduna 45–55%. Gender gaps exacerbate. Maternal mortality: NDHS 2023–24/WHO 2023 proxies via infant/under-5 rates (national MMR 1,047/100,000): Kebbi infant 90/1,000, under-5 159; Kano 86/158; Kaduna 85/153; Jigawa 81/161; Zamfara 60/119; Katsina 63/105; Sokoto 56/109. NW averages: Infant 76, under-5 140. Other horrors: Insecurity (1.8 million IDPs, per 2025 reports); malnutrition (~40% stunting, 27% underweight, NDHS); low service access (antenatal care gaps, doctor ratios 1:54,000).

The heartbreak intensifies when we envision what could have been. If governors judiciously used 25% (~₦625 billion, our initial ₦500 billion scaled to ₦2.5 tn total) for capital, miracles await: ~150–200 km roads (~₦150 bn, at ₦800 million/km per Oyo/ federal averages), slashing transport costs 20–30%, creating 10,000+ jobs. ~1,500–2,000 schools (~₦125 bn, ₦60–80 million each per World Bank/UBEC), enrolling 300,000 kids, cutting out-of-school 10–15%. ~1,200–1,500 PHCs (~₦125 bn, ₦80–100 million each), serving 3–5 million, dropping mortality 20–30%. ~60,000–100,000 ha irrigated farmland (~₦100 bn, ₦1–1.5 million/ha), yielding 2–3x, feeding 1–2 million, generating ₦50–100 billion revenue. Overall: 50,000–100,000 jobs, 500,000–1 million lifted from poverty, 5–10% GDP growth—echoing Kaduna's urban renewal or Sokoto's schemes, per BudgIT.

Even 10% (~₦250 billion) for poverty eradication could transform: CCTs (~₦100 bn, ₦5,000–10,000/month per NASSP) supporting 1.3–1.6 million households (6–8 million people), reducing poverty 5–15% per NAPEP studies. Education/skills (~₦50 bn, ₦100,000–200,000/person): Train 200,000–400,000, build 500–650 schools, boosting literacy 5–10%. Health (~₦50 bn): 300–500 PHCs, cutting MMR 10–20%. Agriculture (~₦50 bn): 25,000–40,000 ha, feeding 500,000–1 million. Lift 1–2 million temporarily (scaled from NDP's 35 million national goal with ₦49.7 tn), creating 20,000–50,000 jobs—yet inflation (34%+ 2024–25) erodes, demanding transparency.

Oh, the agony! Mothers in Sokoto burying infants while ₦220–260 billion slips away; youths in Kano idle amid ₦380–420 billion unspent. This isn't abstraction—it's lives shattered. Governors, answer us: Where are the roads, schools, clinics? The Lagos-Calabar Highway mocks our plight, its ₦4 trillion paving southern glory while northern dust chokes our dreams. We demand audits, FOI revelations, CSO oversight. Northern Nigeria rises not in resentment but resolve—hold them accountable, or history will judge this betrayal as the death knell of equity. The time for excuses ends; the North deserves its dawn.

Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via [email protected]