(Baba Lawan)
01/11/2024
As part of the federal government’s renewed hope agenda, President Ahmad Bola Tinubu has been working to restore peace and stability in the North and across Nigeria in general. Banditry in northern Nigeria has deep historical roots that extend beyond the current crisis. Historically, banditry was not solely a matter of criminality but was intertwined with the socio-economic and political fabric of the region. The British conquest of the Northern Protectorate in 1903 and the subsequent amalgamation with the Southern Protectorate in 1914 were motivated in part by the desire to curb armed banditry and enhance regional security.
This era was characterized by widespread banditry, including armed robbery and community plundering, which influenced the decision to amalgamate. Although economic motives are often emphasized when discussing the amalgamation, the need to improve security—especially in the largely ungoverned North—was a significant factor. Lord Lugard, the first Colonial Officer of the Protectorate, faced numerous confrontations with armed bandits who used ambush tactics with devastating efficiency, underscoring the security challenges of the time.
Lugard’s encounters in areas like Nupeland, Kano, and Borguland, where he was wounded by bandits, highlighted the region’s precarious security situation. In 1911, bandits in the Zamfara region ambushed Kano traders, killing about 210 people and stealing goods worth £165,000. Additionally, persistent harassment, intimidation, and raids on herdsmen and traders around Kwatarkwashi in 1911 caused significant economic damage to the province. Collaboration between Zamfara communities and bandits from both Nigerian and present-day French territories facilitated these crimes, turning the region into a criminal haven.
The colonial administration’s response, which included stationing armed policemen along strategic routes in Sokoto Province to ensure security and collect caravan tolls, represented an early attempt to manage rural banditry. However, cross-border crimes continued in the post-colonial period, worsened by civil wars and insecurity in the wider West African region. The smuggling of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs) across porous borders has further perpetuated violence and banditry in both rural and urban areas. The prevalence of these weapons continues to pose significant security challenges, impacting the stability and development of the region.
When we shift from historical banditry to the current crisis, it is marked by the growing availability of modern weaponry, the erosion of traditional social structures, and worsening economic hardships. Unlike historical banditry, which may have had elements of honor or community defense, contemporary banditry is characterized by greater violence and less discrimination in targeting victims. Today’s bandits are less likely to adhere strictly to ethnic or familial lines, though some groups may still invoke these connections.
The phenomenon of banditry in the northwest predates the intercommunal conflict of the early 2000s and 2010s. Cattle rustling, a longstanding form of banditry in Northern Nigeria, involved nomadic and semi-nomadic groups engaging in livestock theft that was orchestrated by organized families or clans passing down raiding techniques and routes through generations. However, the ranks of bandits swelled significantly in the 2010s, partly due to increased ethnic tensions between Hausa and Fulani communities. Bandits exploited the grievances of herders, recruiting those who felt compelled to protect their lives, lands, and herds. Cattle rustlers like Buharin Daji and Kundu, for example, conducted recruitment exercises in 2011 and 2012, successfully enticing young, predominantly Fulani men with promises of cash, cattle, and women. Alongside recruitment, some individuals were coerced into joining their ranks.
Other Fulani individuals took up arms for self-defense but came to view criminal activity as the best or only means of financing this self-defense. A group of four closely aligned bandit commanders in Zamfara claimed they resorted to cattle rustling in 2011 to acquire weapons for self-defense after attacks on their communities by a local vigilante group known as Yan Sa-kai. They justified their actions as necessary, though others pursued banditry purely for profit. Some repentant bandits have admitted to joining bandit groups to reclaim rustled cattle, while others have expressed dismay over unnecessary killings of both Fulani and their cattle. These concerns are exacerbated by the worsening impact of ethnic profiling and vigilante justice. The line between economic necessity—“I must rustle cattle to buy guns to defend my people from Yan Sa-kai”—and economic opportunism—“The more cattle I rustle, the more guns I can buy, becoming more powerful and wealthy”—is subtle. Many herders who initially took up arms for self-defense have since become hardened criminals.
The conflict in the North remains dynamic and mobile. The base of operations for bandits in the northwest can shift rapidly. Additionally, gangs often collaborate with other bandit groups to conduct attacks far from their camps, driven by both opportunity and necessity. For instance, bandit Dogo Gide, usually based in the Birnin Gwari forest straddling Kaduna and Niger states, targeted distant Birnin Yauri in Kebbi state for a mass kidnapping in July 2021, as many schools closer to his camps had closed due to banditry. Bandits typically move on motorcycles but also utilize waterways, especially during the rainy season, to transport themselves and their weapons via canoe.
Zamfara stands as the epicenter of banditry; however, local government areas (LGAs) within Sokoto, Kebbi, Katsina, Niger, and Kaduna that border Zamfara are also severely affected. For example, Sabon Birni, Isa, and Rabah in Goronyo in eastern Sokoto, bordering Zamfara’s Shinkafi LGA, have been among the hardest hit. In the Birnin Gwari region in western Kaduna, high levels of violence are linked to its forest networks extending into Zamfara.
Banditry is also evolving, with groups expanding their operations to include kidnapping for ransom, a highly profitable tactic that fuels their activities. In a significant strategic shift, the abduction of school children has become a favored method for bandits, notably highlighted by the audacious kidnapping of the Kankara schoolboys by Auwalu Daudawa in Katsina state in December 2020. Since these incidents, the kidnapping of school children has become a potent weapon, with the most recent incident being the kidnapping in Kuriga, Kaduna state in March 2024.
Estimates suggest there are over 300 bandit warlords, each commanding at least 50 fighters operational across different regions of Northern Nigeria. Like in the pre-colonial era, kinship and community ties continue to play significant roles in banditry, with bandit groups often operating within defined ethnic or kinship lines, forming bandit families or clans. These groups rely on extensive networks of informants, safe houses, and community support to evade authorities or rival factions. The loyalty within these families and the code of silence among community members have made it challenging for authorities to effectively combat banditry.
The importance of a bandit leader extends beyond mere strength and the size of their forces or weaponry; it also hinges on the prowess of their affiliated musicians and the popularity of their songs. Most bandit kingpins, locally known as “Kachalla,” boast special songs attributed to them, contributing to their myth and aura. Hausa-speaking Nigerians in their 40s and above will undoubtedly be familiar with the songs of Kassu Zurmi, Gambu, and other musicians who served as praise singers to bandit families and noted kingpins in the past. Today, this trend has continued with the emergence of a new breed of bandit-musicians, including figures like the late Surajo, Adamu Ayuba, Hammadu, Makaho, Mal. Jika, and Maigari—the latter three all hail from Dunburum in the Zurmi LGA of Zamfara state. These bandit-musicians play a pivotal role in the banditry ecosystem, with their songs serving as a measure of a bandit kingpin’s power and influence.
The menace of banditry, while historically entrenched in the socio-economic fabric of Northern Nigeria, has undergone a significant transformation. Previously confined to local skirmishes and cattle rustling, modern-day banditry in the region has escalated into a lucrative and deadly operation involving kidnapping for ransom and large-scale violence that destabilizes entire communities. This evolution reflects broader socio-economic despair and a governance vacuum—realities that have allowed bandits to grow their tactics and access sophisticated weaponry. Addressing banditry today requires not only a security response but also an understanding of and response to its deep-rooted causes.
The growing interactions with other insecurity challenges across Northern Nigeria are concerning. In the northwest, a region already troubled by bandit groups, there is emerging cooperation between these bandits and terrorist groups, often involving financial exchanges in states such as Zamfara, Niger, and Katsina. This collaboration, particularly involving the sharing of resources and local terrain knowledge, poses a risk of escalating current insecurity. For instance, the train attack in Kaduna in March 2022 was a joint operation between a Boko Haram faction and the late Ali Kawaje, a prominent bandit warlord. However, Boko Haram factions are not alone in this approach. Ansaru and ISWAP’s strategies have also included providing support against bandits in exchange for community allegiance and operating in strategic locations like Dandume, Birnin Gwari, and the Shiroro axis. This multifaceted insurgency landscape, marked by the potential for both cooperation and infighting among groups, complicates this multifaceted insurgency landscape, marked by the potential for both cooperation and infighting among groups, complicates any attempt to establish lasting peace in the region. The government's response must address the unique dynamics of each group while also recognizing their overlapping interests.
The ongoing crisis underscores the urgent need for a multifaceted approach. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration has a tremendous task ahead in addressing this historic and evolving challenge. Security efforts must extend beyond military interventions to include socio-economic reforms, border security, and community engagement initiatives that address the root causes of banditry, insurgency, and cross-border crime. Enhancing collaboration among local, regional, and international stakeholders is also essential to counter the smuggling of arms and disrupt the operations of armed groups.
As the Nigerian government continues to battle these threats, there is a growing awareness of the need to combine hard power with soft power approaches to bring lasting peace. Lessons from the colonial era and past governance must inform strategies that not only dismantle bandit networks but also restore a sense of security, justice, and economic opportunity in northern communities. President Tinubu’s commitment to this cause, coupled with a collaborative approach involving both military and civilian stakeholders, is crucial in rewriting the narrative of insecurity in Northern Nigeria and bringing peace and prosperity to its people.
Edited by Abuja Network News Editorial team
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