By Lawan Musa Danlami
An Intellectual and Comparative Perspective
The reported resignation of British Prime Minister Keir Starmer following the loss of the political support necessary to continue governing reflects a defining principle of parliamentary democracy: governments remain in office only as long as they retain democratic legitimacy and the confidence of elected representatives. This demonstrates that in mature parliamentary systems, institutions—not individuals—are supreme. No leader is above democratic accountability, and political authority ultimately rests on constitutional principles rather than personal power.
Political philosopher John Locke (1690) argued that governments derive their legitimacy from the consent of the governed and that rulers who fail to protect the public interest lose their moral authority. Likewise, Montesquieu (1748) emphasized that liberty depends upon the separation of powers, ensuring that the executive is restrained by independent legislative and judicial institutions. These ideas continue to underpin modern democratic governance.
The reported British transition illustrates how parliamentary democracy functions when institutions are respected. Governments can be replaced peacefully without political violence or constitutional crisis. This reinforces Samuel P. Huntington's observation that the true test of democracy is whether leaders can lose political power and peacefully relinquish office.
Across many African countries, however, democratic development has faced persistent challenges. While elections are regularly conducted, critics argue that democratic institutions are often weakened by executive dominance, constitutional manipulation, misuse of state resources, restrictions on opposition parties, and weak electoral management bodies. Political scientist Larry Diamond argues that elections alone do not constitute democracy; democracy also requires the rule of law, judicial independence, media freedom, protection of civil liberties, and accountable institutions.
Similarly, Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, in their theory of competitive authoritarianism, explain that some governments retain the appearance of democracy through regular elections while systematically disadvantaging opposition parties by controlling state institutions, public resources, security agencies, and media access. Such systems preserve electoral rituals but weaken genuine democratic competition.
Kenyan scholar Ali Mazrui observed that one of Africa's greatest post-independence challenges has been the personalization of political authority. Instead of building enduring institutions, many states became dependent on powerful individuals, making democratic succession difficult and encouraging political dynasties.
Several African countries illustrate these concerns:
Cameroon: President Paul Biya has governed since 1982. Opposition parties and observer missions have repeatedly questioned the competitiveness of elections and the independence of electoral institutions.
Uganda: Since 1986, President Yoweri Museveni has won successive elections that opposition parties have consistently challenged, citing arrests of opposition leaders, restrictions on campaigns, internet shutdowns, and intimidation during elections.
Tanzania: The 2020 general election attracted criticism from domestic and international observers regarding restrictions on opposition parties, media freedom, and electoral transparency.
Ivory Coast (Côte d'Ivoire): Constitutional changes allowing President Alassane Ouattara to seek a controversial third presidential term generated widespread political tension and violence, with critics arguing that the amendment weakened constitutional safeguards.
Kenya: The Supreme Court's annulment of the 2017 presidential election remains one of Africa's strongest demonstrations of judicial independence, affirming that electoral integrity is fundamental to constitutional democracy.
Zimbabwe: Elections under both Robert Mugabe and Emmerson Mnangagwa have attracted criticism over allegations of intimidation, unequal political competition, and misuse of state resources.
Republic of Congo: Constitutional amendments and disputed elections have enabled President Denis Sassou Nguesso to remain in power for decades, raising concerns about democratic consolidation.
Nigeria equally presents a complex democratic experience. Since the return to civilian rule in 1999, peaceful transfers of power have occurred, reflecting important democratic progress. Nevertheless, elections have frequently generated allegations of vote buying, electoral violence, logistical failures, intimidation, misuse of public resources, and disputes over election outcomes. Many Nigerians also argue that governments often campaign on promises of improving living standards but subsequently adopt policies that reduce public benefits, contributing to widespread dissatisfaction. These concerns continue to fuel calls for stronger democratic institutions, electoral reforms, judicial independence, and greater governmental accountability.
Nigerian political economist Claude Ake argued that Africa's democratic crisis is fundamentally a crisis of governance rather than merely the absence of elections. Democracy, he maintained, should improve citizens' welfare, ensure accountability, and broaden public participation rather than simply legitimize political elites through periodic voting.
Similarly, Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, in Why Nations Fail, argue that countries achieve sustainable development when they establish inclusive political institutions that distribute political power broadly and make governments accountable. By contrast, extractive institutions concentrate power among a narrow elite, undermine democratic competition, and hinder economic development.
Ghanaian economist George Ayittey likewise contends that Africa's long-term democratic future depends upon limiting executive dominance, strengthening independent institutions, protecting constitutionalism, and ensuring that leadership remains accountable to citizens rather than entrenched political elites.
Common concerns identified by scholars, election observers, and civil society organizations across several African countries include constitutional amendments removing presidential term limits, misuse of state resources during campaigns, restrictions on opposition parties, political intimidation, unequal media access, weak independence of electoral commissions, internet shutdowns during elections, and disputed vote counting or result transmission.
The comparison between the United Kingdom and many African democracies highlights an important lesson: democracy cannot be measured solely by the conduct of elections. Rather, it is measured by the strength of institutions that ensure leaders remain accountable to the law and to the people. As Huntington argued, democracy succeeds when governments can peacefully lose power. As Larry Diamond maintains, democracy requires far more than ballots—it requires institutions capable of protecting liberty, enforcing the rule of law, and ensuring that political authority ultimately belongs to the citizens.
For Africa, including Nigeria, strengthening independent electoral commissions, protecting judicial independence, safeguarding media freedom, respecting constitutional limits, and guaranteeing credible elections remain essential if democratic governance is to fulfil its promise of political accountability, economic development, and social justice.
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