By Mohammed Bello Doka
4 June, 2026.
Forty-six years after his death, the spectre of Muhammadu Marwa, known infamously as Maitatsine—"the one who damns"—still haunts Northern Nigeria. A self-proclaimed prophet who rejected the authority of every scholar and political leader before him, Maitatsine built a fanatical following in Kano that, in December 1980, erupted into an insurrection that claimed over 4,177 civilian lives in just eleven days. The Yan Tatsine movement did not become violent overnight; it was a process. And today, that process is repeating itself.
Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is gradually becoming the Maitatsine of our time. The Kwankwasiyya movement he leads mirrors the Yan Tatsine in structure, psychology, and increasingly, in violence. The only difference is that where Maitatsine sought to destroy the Nigerian state, Kwankwaso seeks to dominate it from within—by any means necessary. Below are the eight terrifying similarities between a 1980s religious death cult and a 2026 political movement masquerading as a democratic force.
1. Rise in Kano as the Power Base
Maitatsine migrated from Cameroon around 1945 and settled in Kano, where by 1972 he had developed a militant following that would eventually launch its insurrection from the Yan Awaki quarter. Kwankwaso, a former two-term governor of Kano State, has built his Kwankwasiyya political machinery in the same ancient city. His influence is so absolute that analysts describe him as the "godfather" who single-handedly brought the current governor to power. Kano is not merely a constituency for either man; it is the fortress from which they intend to conquer.
2. Red Symbols as Visual Identity
Every movement needs a uniform, and both chose red. Maitatsine's leading lieutenant wore a "remarkable panoply of home-made armour" that distinguished his followers from mainstream society. Kwankwaso's red cap has become the "signature of his personality," a symbol of loyalty so potent that followers wear it with almost religious devotion. The red cap is not fashion; it is a declaration of allegiance to a man, not a party—exactly as the Yan Tatsine distinguished themselves from ordinary Muslims.
3. Motive of Absolute Dominance
Maitatsine's enclave in Kano became an "imperium in imperio"—a state within a state—where approximately 2,000 followers refused to recognise any authority, including the courts, except his. Kwankwaso treats the Kano Emirate as his "personal chessboard," installing and removing emirs as political appointees. His Kwankwasiyya ideology demands that a sitting governor remain perpetually tethered to him, and when Governor Abba Yusuf sought autonomy, Kwankwaso's camp labelled it "betrayal." Both men demand that no other leader exist in their domain.
4. Nonconformist Rejection of Authority
Maitatsine's most glaring departure from orthodoxy was his claim to prophethood. He rejected the hadith, the sunnah, and the authority of every major scholar who came before him. Kwankwaso, described as a "principled dissenter" by some and a political chameleon by others, has built a movement defined by its rejection of traditional political structures. He has been accused of demanding that supporters recognise no political authority except the Kwankwasiyya ideology—a political version of Maitatsine's religious exclusivity.
5. Violence Against Dissent
The scale differs, but the pattern is identical. Maitatsine's followers attacked police, mainstream scholars, and anyone who opposed their doctrine, culminating in the deaths of over 5,000 people in Kano alone. The Kwankwasiyya movement has been repeatedly fingered in violence leading to loss of lives and properties. In Rogo Local Government Area of Kano State, armed thugs allegedly linked to the movement attacked a political gathering, leaving more than 11 injured, three vehicles vandalised, and a party chairman dragged from a moving motorcycle. The movement has also been accused of "cyberbullying, stalking and inciting public disturbances" against anyone who criticises Kwankwaso.
6. Rejection of All Historical Authorities
Maitatsine never respected any authority in Kano except his own. He fought against the teachings of every major scholar before him, including the revered Usman dan Fodio. Today, Kwankwasiyya social media handlers are systematically insulting the same Usman dan Fodio, Sir Ahmadu Bello (the Sardauna of Sokoto), and Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa—everyone except Kwankwaso. The movement has even been accused of depicting the current Kano State Governor "in female attire wearing make-up." When followers denigrate the founding fathers of Northern Nigeria, they are not making political statements; they are engaging in the same erasure of historical authority that Maitatsine pioneered.
7. Demand to Be the Only Leader
Both figures cannot tolerate equals. Maitatsine's followers would not attend the mosque of any other imam. Kwankwaso's political philosophy demands that anyone he brings to power must remain in "total submission." When Governor Abba Yusuf dared to govern autonomously, the Kwankwasiyya movement turned on him with fury, attempting to impeach his deputy and mobilising social media attacks that continue to this day. For Kwankwaso, as for Maitatsine, there is room for only one sun in Kano's sky.
8. International Designation for Religious Violence
Maitatsine's violence was so extreme that it required the Nigerian military and Air Force to suppress. Kwankwaso's movement has now attracted the attention of the United States Congress. On 10 February 2026, five US lawmakers introduced the Nigeria Religious Freedom and Accountability Act of 2026 (HR 7457) , proposing visa bans and asset freezes against Kwankwaso for alleged "severe religious freedom violations." While Kwankwaso has denied the allegations, calling them a smear campaign by "enemies," the fact remains: a major international power has formally linked him to the persecution of Christians. Maitatsine was a domestic threat; Kwankwaso has become an international one.
Conclusion: The Process Is Ongoing
Maitatsine did not become Maitatsine overnight. The Yan Tatsine spent years building their following, testing boundaries, and escalating violence before the 1980 explosion that shook Nigeria. The Kwankwasiyya movement is on the same trajectory—fanatical loyalty, rejection of other authorities, red symbols, dominance motives, nonconformism, violence against dissent, insults to our heroes, and now, international scrutiny.
The question is not whether Kwankwaso is the Maitatsine of our time. The question is whether Nigeria will act before the process completes itself. The North is awake. We must not sleep through history repeating itself.
But let there be no ambiguity: if the insult on Usman dan Fodio, Sardauna, and Balewa continues, it is capable of causing a complete breakdown of law and order. This time, the crisis may be far worse than the Maitatsine catastrophe of 1980. The loss of lives and properties could be unprecedented. When you desecrate the revered figures who bind the Northern consciousness together, you are not merely attacking history—you are igniting a fire that will consume us all. The Kwankwasiyya movement must be called to order before their reckless rhetoric spirals into a conflagration no security agency can contain.
Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via [email protected]
Abuja Network News
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