In a move that has stirred both curiosity and concern, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has expressed its intention to push for legal reforms that would permit eligible Nigerians to vote without the use of the Permanent Voter Card (PVC) in the 2027 general elections. This, according to the Commission, would be part of a broader plan to incorporate technology for voter accreditation, relying instead on computer-generated slips and digital methods.
INEC Chairman’s spokesperson, Rotimi Oyekanmi, made it clear that this proposal hinges on legislative amendments to existing electoral laws. He emphasized that the PVC may no longer be a prerequisite for voting, although it remains valid for current holders. The commission believes such a transition could reduce electoral costs, streamline logistics, and minimize the occurrence of PVC-related fraud.
But while the Commission touts these projected benefits, it has failed to reckon with the dangerous implications of this policy for Nigeria’s fragile democracy.
First, allowing citizens to vote without a physical and verifiable PVC will significantly undermine the integrity of the electoral process. The PVC, albeit not foolproof, is currently the most reliable form of voter identification in Nigeria. It is the last bulwark against impersonation, multiple registrations, and ballot stuffing. Replacing it with computer-generated slips—especially in a country where digital identity systems remain weak and cybersecurity concerns are rife—is a recipe for chaos. It creates gaping holes in the system, inviting tech-savvy fraudsters and political mercenaries to manipulate voter databases and forge credentials with impunity.
Secondly, this proposal is a tacit admission of INEC’s institutional failure. If, after several election cycles and billions in funding, the commission cannot guarantee the comprehensive distribution of PVCs to registered voters, then what business does it have proposing further digital innovations? Instead of fixing the rot within, INEC seems determined to sidestep its own responsibilities, shifting the burden to an already overstretched legal system and plunging Nigeria into deeper electoral uncertainty.
Moreover, the possibility of removing the PVC requirement will severely hinder accountability. How will political parties, observers, and citizens verify that only eligible voters participated in an election? How will election tribunals assess the authenticity of ballots cast under such a flimsy accreditation method? The ambiguity introduced by digital slips leaves too much room for manipulation, especially in remote or opposition-dominated areas where digital infrastructure is poor and electoral malpractices are often rampant.
What INEC proposes is not electoral reform; it is electoral regression. It risks legitimizing vote tempering, institutionalizing digital disenfranchisement, and worsening the already plummeting confidence in the nation’s electoral umpire. It is no coincidence that this comes at a time when voter apathy is at an all-time high, and trust in public institutions is in sharp decline.
Instead of scrapping PVCs, INEC should focus on sanitizing its voter register, ensuring every eligible Nigerian is issued a PVC on time, and strengthening the BVAS system. The commission should double its efforts on civic education and digital literacy, ensuring technology enhances, rather than dilutes, the electoral process.
In the end, the right to vote must not be trivialized in the name of convenience. Nigeria deserves elections that are not only free and fair but also verifiably credible. Anything short of this is not reform—it is sabotage disguised as innovation.
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